Issue 10: Spotlight on Hong Kong
Hong Kong initially seemed to have the coronavirus under control. But cases are growing, and it is fuelling renewed tensions between the government and protestors
The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged global policy makers in ways unheard of in most of our lifetimes. This newsletter provides short, accessible briefings on as many of the relevant policy challenges as possible. Today's briefing is by Jasmine Lee (JL), a McGill University graduate and managing editor at Harbour Times, a publication focused on Hong Kong’s political and diplomatic scene. At the moment she is social distancing in Vancouver with her cousin and a long-haired chihuahua named Milo.
In Hong Kong, news of a possible SARS 2.0 started coming out as early as New Year’s Eve, raising the question of whether the novel coronavirus would rapidly spread from its epicentre, Wuhan, to Hong Kong – and subsequently, the world.
It did.
SARS-CoV-2, which causes the disease COVID-19, quickly eclipsed the spread and kill rate of its viral cousin, SARS-CoV-1 (“SARS”) in 2003.
Hong Kong had suffered a heavy blow from SARS in 2003; the disease took 299 lives, the highest death toll outside of mainland China. While consumption, tourism, and travel sectors took a financial hit from the outbreak, these effects were “relatively short-lived”. A handful of jurisdictions were affected, in particular Toronto and Singapore. For some in Hong Kong, the trauma of the SARS epidemic remains vivid; it permanently embedded new hygienic practices including wearing masks when sick, using separate chopsticks for serving communal dishes and eating in restaurants, and publicizing frequent cleaning routines (e.g. door handles and elevator buttons).
When news came out of a mystery illness that had made its way to HK from China at the end of 2019, pro-democracy protests brought on by the anti-extradition law movement were still going strong. In these circumstances the government was already the subject of widespread public discontent, and a significant number of Hongkongers expressed a deep distrust of the government (as shown in recent elections), especially where China is concerned.
Then COVID-19 arrived. For a short time, it seemed like Hong Kong had a handle on controlling the disease, despite criticisms that the government was not maximizing epidemic prevention measures. But by March 27, confirmed viral cases surpassed 500 in Hong Kong, doubling in the span of a week. There are now just over 800 cases in the territory, with four deaths.
The negative sentiments stemming from the pro-democracy protests seemed to carry over to the public’s attitude towards the handling of the novel coronavirus. After the government did not bow to demands for a complete closure of HK-mainland crossings, over 3,000 hospital employees voted in favour of a strike, leading to a mass walkout. In response, the government implemented quarantine procedures and closed all but two land entry points from China. Those on strike voted to end the action on its fifth day.
As part of the 2020-21 Budget announced in February, the government has earmarked HK$120 billion (CDN $22 billion) for its economic relief measures, intended to support Hong Kong as it struggles to recover from the effects of the protests and COVID-19. The package includes a HK$10,000 (CDN$1800) handout to adult residents, which some have criticized for excluding those Hong Kong who live on low incomes but do not have permanent residency. The government then extended this handout to those left out by the initial plan by drawing from the Community Care Fund.
The latest on Hong Kong’s anti-epidemic policy measures include:
A government order for all establishments “exclusively or mainly used” for the sale or supply of alcohol to shut down starting April 3. This will affect approximately 1,200 bars and pubs.
A ban on public gatherings of over four people came into effect began on March 29, affecting businesses such as gyms and cinemas. Eateries are not closed but are expected to abide by social distancing measures, such as keeping tables at least 1.5 metres apart and limiting the number of customers inside. Exemptions to this public gathering include public transportation, work places, and judicial proceedings.
A proposed ban on selling alcohol was poorly received.
Passing a HK$215 billion (CDN$39 billion) package to cover expenses until this year’s budget is approved. The funding includes money needed to purchase more protective gear, but pan-democratic lawmakers opposed the bill for allocating $5.5 billion to the police force. The force still faces widespread disapproval after it was accused of hoarding protective medical gear while healthcare workers were spread thin on supplies. The “unnecessary and excessive force” its officers used during last year’s protests is also still fresh on the public’s mind.
Hong Kong will not incur debt as it is dipping into its HK$1.1 trillion (CDN$200 billion) fiscal reserves in order to support the city during these extraordinary circumstances. Even though the worst of the pandemic may pass over the next few months, underlying tensions between the people and its government will not. It would not be unreasonable to expect black-clad protesters returning to the streets, fighting for “Five Demands, Not One Less” once more. (JL)
For more details not mentioned in this briefing along with supplementary videos, quotes, and articles, check out this interactive timeline.
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Policy for Pandemics is produced and edited by Andrew Potter and co-edited by Charlotte Reboul and Paisley Sim (bios here) If you have any feedback or would like to contribute to this newsletter, please send an email to andrew2.potter@mcgill.ca